A free public service offered by Paul Kemp - Central Nova - Nova Scotia There are ten steps, or stages, to the evolution of a practical and efficient form of representative government, and these are: 1. Freedom of the person. Slavery, serfdom, and all forms of human bondage must disappear. 2. Freedom of the mind. Unless a free people are educated -- taught to think intelligently and plan wisely -- freedom usually does more harm than good. 3. The reign of law. Liberty can be enjoyed only when the will and whims of human rulers are replaced by legislative enactments in accordance with accepted fundamental law. 4. Freedom of speech. Representative government is unthinkable without freedom of all forms of expression for human aspirations and opinions. 5. Security of property. No government can long endure if it fails to provide for the right to enjoy personal property in some form. Man craves the right to use, control, bestow, sell, lease, and bequeath his personal property. 6. The right of petition. Representative government assumes the right of citizens to be heard. The privilege of petition is inherent in free citizenship. 7. The right to rule. It is not enough to be heard; the power of petition must progress to the actual management of the government. 8. Universal suffrage. Representative government presupposes an intelligent, efficient, and universal electorate. The character of such a government will ever be determined by the character and caliber of those who compose it. As civilization progresses, suffrage, while remaining universal for both sexes, will be effectively modified, regrouped, and otherwise differentiated. 9. Control of public servants. No civil government will be serviceable and effective unless the citizenry possess and use wise techniques of guiding and controlling officeholders and public servants. 10. Intelligent and trained representation. The survival of democracy is dependent on successful representative government; and that is conditioned upon the practice of electing to public offices only those individuals who are technically trained, intellectually competent, socially loyal, and morally fit. Only by such provisions can government of the people, by the people, and for the people be preserved.

 

 

 

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WHO OWNS THE UN?    
'WE THE PEOPLE' 

WHO OWNS THE UN?    -    'WE THE PEOPLE'  


Remarks by SHRIDATH RAMPHAL, Co-Chairman of the Commission on Global Governance, at a luncheon hosted by the UN50 Committee of San Francisco, 24 June 1994


This is a luncheon address. Good manners, not to say good governance requires brevity.

I shall try to be good on both counts. I compress, therefore, congratulations and salutations to the UN 50 Committee. To be worthy of the vision and the creativity consummated here in San Francisco 50 years ago was a formidable challenge. You have been eminently successful.

It seems appropriate on this day in this City, 50 years after the Charter was proclaimed in our name, to ask the question: 'Do we the people own the UN - or did we ever'? The relationship between the UN and the world's people is at the heart of the work, and now the Report, of the Commission on Global Governance. We are convinced that the relationship of people to the United Nations and of a people-oriented UN to human society is of fundamental importance to the future of the world body and of the world. We are convinced that the United Nations - its health, vigour, effectiveness, legitimacy, success - depends on the extent to which people identify with it and feel it to be their organisation, their UN.

Today, among the world's people, the UN does not evoke that kind of sentiment, certainly not on any significant scale; the predominant feeling is one of distance, of the UN and its various units being external agencies, of its not belonging to us. The opening words of the Preamble to the Charter 'We the Peoples' are often quoted, but more in piety than conviction. San Francisco was not devoid of a spirit of idealism and of internationalism. But the nations gathered there were, of course, not all the nations of the world; only fifty countries participated. The inference that they spoke for all the people of the world is not tenable. Of course, the 'united nations' of 1945 have grown to embrace all nations of the world, to include those defeated in World War II, as well as those whose status as imperial possessions denied them a voice in shaping the post-war order.

Additionally, the universalisation of the United Nations has been followed by progress towards universalisation of democratic forms of government. oOo However, as we have found at the domestic level that two minutes in the polling station are an insufficient guarantee of the role of people in government, so at the global level, the machinery of democracy at home has been an unreliable guarantee of the role of people in influencing the conduct of their governments abroad.

Despite the mythology,'We the peoples' of the world have been, for most of the UN's first 50 years, very remote from the functioning of the UN system. Some governments have taken steps that show sensitivity to people's sense of being blocked off from the UN. They have included backbench MPs and in some cases NGO representatives in national delegations to the General Assembly. But this is hardly enough to address the problem.

We have made two specific proposals to enhance the role of people in the UN and make the sense of their ownership of the world organisation stronger. One is to create a Forum of Civil Society to meet annually before each session of the General Assembly and to provide its views to the GA. The idea is to offer people through civil society formal opportunities to provide an input into - and therefore an opportunity to exercise some influence over - the intergovernmental deliberations of the UN on key global issues.

We envisage that this Forum would provide for the representation of a wider range of people by embracing organisations of civil society rather than NGOs only - though NGOs would be the predominant element. We believe it is essential to cast the net wide to include such elements of civil society as the labour movement, the business sector and the academic community, whose organisations may not be captured under the rubric of NGOs.

We have suggested that the Forum should meet in the Plenary Hall of the Assembly itself. This has both a functional and symbolic significance, and is a pointer to the importance we assign to this proposal.

Our second proposal to give people stronger links to the UN is tied to our conviction - which forms one of the central themes of the report - that improved global governance requires stronger protection for the security of people - that is, people as distinct from states, which have hitherto been the principal, if not exclusive, focus of international security arrangements.

We have recommended new institutional means by which people's organisations might be enabled to draw the attention of the United Nations to situations that could lead to extensive violations of the security of people and therefore require early international action. Our recommendation envisages the UN establishing a Council for Petitions, made up of a group of eminent independent persons, to which people's organisations could make representations. This proposal is inspired in part at least, by the role played by people and their organisations through the UN Committee of 24 on Decolonisation; heroic petitioners like the Rev. Michael Scott and Chief Luthuli were able to alert the world to the horrors of Southern Africa. The Council would be empowered to bring impending humanitarian crises to the notice of the Secretary-General and the Security Council as appropriate, requiring them to determine at an early stage if international action, including where necessary action particularly under Chapter VI, but even Chapter VII, of the Charter, is warranted.

Civil society , not the Security Council alone - or the five sentries who guard its gates - must be able to bring the concerns of people on to the UN's agenda.

Besides these specific proposals, the Commission has expressed its strong general support for intensifying the UN's interaction with the NGO community and for UN action to involve the NGO sector on a wider basis. There has been impressive evidence lately of the contribution NGOs make - and have the potential to make - to international governance in many fields, from development to human rights, from population to emergency relief, from environmental protection to conflict resolution.

The recent string of global conferences, from the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 to this year's Social Summit in Copenhagen, have provided a showcase for - and greatly benefited from - the vigour and variety of the NGO movement. Co-operation between the UN and NGOs has to be built upon and improved. Interaction must be strengthened not just at large conferences and headline events but in the myriad, humdrum, day-to-day activities that are vital to make this world a more secure one for all its people.

The UN has made many advances but within the UN system there are still parts where the residual inertia, if not resistance, of bureaucrats needs to be overcome. The 50th anniversary year must be marked by progress in improving global governance. It would be unrealistic to expect agreement to be reached this year on the more fundamental specific changes. But we must begin seriously the dialogue of change. If all the proposals were to be mere candles on the UN's birthday cake we would light them up in October, then blow them out and put them away for another celebration. We must do better.

The Commission has urged that at the very least there should be agreement this year to launch a preparatory process leading towards a global conference on reform of the UN in 1998 so that agreed reforms may be in place by 2000.

Here then is my challenge to you. Our global neighbourhood is first and foremost a neighbourhood of people. States, governments, institutions all derive their legitimacy from people. The ultimate authority is in people. In the end, it is the people of the world that must secure their global neighbourhood for themselves and future generations. Left to governments alone proposals for major change will just twinkle as distant stars in the night sky of 1995 - a sky that will eventually cloud over for all - even those who were minded to reach for them. 'We the people' must now make a virtue of mythology.


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Few persons live up to the 
faith which they really have. 
Unreasoned fear is a master 
intellectual fraud practiced 
upon the evolving mortal soul.

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