Canadian Monetary Reform

 

Be Informed

   
Hit Counter
 

 

 
.
 
 
 

A 10-hour HOME-STUDY INTRODUCTORY COURSE ON

MONEY as it relates to Macro Economics

 

 

Videos are available on the internet or can be borrowed from

the Toronto Public Library system

 

Any time during the self-study program:  www.thedreamofcanada.ca

 

 

1)      Money as Debt – www.canadianactionparty.ca

 

 

2)      Who's Counting: Marilyn Waring on Sex, Lies and Global Economics

Distributed through the Public Library systems.  Produced by the National Film Board


Linda Waring, a New Zealand MLA, discovers many valuable activities don’t count toward calculating a nation's GDP, while many questionable activities do! Getting right to the source, she investigates the UN's System of Accounts, which determines what sort of activity counts.

 


3)      MONEY!  Who creates it?  Who controls it?  Who profits!

 

A fascinating documentary about how people in Argentina, Turkey, and even New York responded when their money was suddenly unavailable to them.  Isaac Isitan.  65 min.

 

4)      The Money Masters: How International Bankers Gain Control of America

(1996, 3.5 hours)  To be shown in 4 sessions, with discussion

Official website: http://www.themoneymasters.com

This 3.5 hour non-fiction, historical documentary that traces the origins of the political power structure that rules our nation and the world today. The modern political power structure has its roots in the hidden manipulation and accumulation of gold and other forms of money. The development of fractional reserve banking practices in the 17th century brought to a cunning sophistication the secret techniques initially used by goldsmiths fraudulently to accumulate wealth. With the formation of the privately-owned Bank of England in 1694, the yoke of economic slavery to a privately-owned "central" bank was first forced upon the backs of an entire nation, not removed but only made heavier with the passing of the three centuries to our day. Nation after nation, including America, has fallen prey to this cabal of international central bankers.

 

5)      The Carlyle Connection (2003, 60 min)

Film info: http://portal.omroep.nl/nossites?nav=annyHsHjCqBtEyGzGeC

A revealing documentary about the international world of private equity banking The Carlyle Group, one of the largest investment banks in the world, is based in Washington and has accumulated its capital mainly by investments in the defence industry. On their list of employees are people like Lou Gerstner (former chairman of IBM), George Bush Sr., James Baker III, John Major (former British Prime Minister) and Fidel Ramos (former Prime Minister of the Philipines).

The Carlyle Group invests in areas that are closely tied to government policy: aero space and defense, telecom, real estate, health care and the banking business. With 16 billion dollar under management they have the reputation of being the best-connected company in the world. Their list of private investors include George Soros, the Saudi Royal Family and the Bin Laden Family.

How does the Carlyle Group operate, who are the people behind the Carlyle Group and how much power does Carlyle have? This film explores the fine line between the conflict of interests and a new global way of doing business.

 

6)      The Corporation (2003, 145 min) Mark Achbar, co-director of the influential and inventive Official website: http://www.thecorporation.tv
Trailer: http://www.thecorporation.tv/trailer
One hundred and fifty years ago, the corporation was a relatively insignificant entity. Today, it is a vivid, dramatic and pervasive presence in all our lives. Like the Church, the Monarchy and the Communist Party in other times and places, the corporation is today’s dominant institution. But history humbles dominant institutions. All have been crushed, belittled or absorbed into some new order. The corporation is unlikely to be the first to defy history. In this complex and highly entertaining documentary, Mark Achbar, co-director of the influential and inventive MANUFACTURING CONSENT: NOAM CHOMSKY AND THE MEDIA, teams up with co-director Jennifer Abbott and writer Joel Bakan to examine the far-reaching repercussions of the corporation’s increasing preeminence. Based on Bakan’s book The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power, the film is a timely, critical inquiry that invites CEOs, whistle-blowers, brokers, gurus, spies, players, pawns and pundits on a graphic and engaging quest to reveal the 4corporation’s inner workings, curious history, controversial impacts and possible futures. Featuring illuminating interviews with Noam Chomsky, Michael Moore, Howard Zinn and many others, THE CORPORATION charts the spectacular rise of an institution aimed at achieving specific economic goals as it also recounts victories against this apparently invincible force.

**************

 
I'm hoping there are times when a high school teacher can show one of these videos, in whole or in part, to get students curious.
 
Anne
 
Subject: Re: [Fwd: Re: Canadian Action Party (CAP)] state banking

 

Here's an item worth thinking about.  It's a good way to put heat on the provincial governments to bypass the Federal Government's tight money policy.  It's
Canada's best kept open secret. 

S.
********

Friday » September 5 » 2003

Will this little piggy bank go to market?

Once a scandal-plagued basket case, Alberta Treasury Branches has been reformed into a profitable powerhouse primed for privatization. So why is a fiercely free-enterprise province refusing to sell the West's biggest bank?
 
George Koch    
National Post


At Rocky Mountain House, the West's past meets its future. With a population of 6,500, an economy based on natural resources, agriculture and tourism, and a history dating to the fur trade, it's a quintessentially Albertan town. It's where William "Bible Bill" Aberhart, the eccentric founder of the Canadian Social Credit movement, in 1938 set up the first outlet of a provincially owned banking system. Alberta Treasury Branches was a bellow of defiance at the "Eastern bastards" who would rather see the province's farmers ruined by the Depression than extended credit. And here at Rocky Mountain House, the recent transformation of Aberhart's brainchild -- now called ATB Financial and headed by a Quebecer hired away from a big Eastern bank -- stands vividly exposed.

Over the past six years, North America's only state-owned retail bank, which turns 65 this month, has metamorphosed from a financial basket case into a profitable and fast-growing Crown corporation. It's now the eighth-largest bank in Canada, with $13.2 billion in assets. That makes it almost as big as Montreal's Laurentian Bank and nearly double the size of Vancouver City Savings Credit Union, the next-largest independent lender in Western Canada. A growing chorus of western bankers, politicians and academics says ATB is ready for its ultimate rite of passage: privatization. An investor-owned ATB could become the core of a Western financial powerhouse. Proceeds from its sale could feed health and education budgets. Why, then, do taxpayers continue to own it?

It's strange that the question needs to be asked at all. This is Alberta, after all, Canada's most self-consciously pro-free-enterprise province. Premier Ralph Klein has said many times he's loath to be "in the business of being in business." But the case of what one historian dubs the "anti-bank" reveals much about Alberta and Albertans. For every rule there's an exception, for every principle a footnote, and for every rugged individualist a struggling farm family afraid that a "normal" bank would call its loan. One local politician calls Albertans' attachment to ATB "the ultimate dichotomy."

Keith BucRating 2 olz, who runs ATB's Rocky Mountain House branch, sees this contrast up-close. The operation recently relocated from downtown to the busy commercial strip. BucRating 2 olz, a native of small-town Alberta who is marking his 30th year with ATB, is proud of the spacious new outlet with its fieldstone decor. He believes it sends the message that "we're here for the long term." While the big banks are closing rural branches and forcing customers to bank online or through distant call centres, ATB holds firm to old-fashioned service, he says. "We're a part of the community. Our managers and employees are active at all levels, and we know many of our customers personally." The way the big banks treat borrowers, he observes, imposing unrealistically high equity ratios on loans and avalanches of conditions, suggests "they don't want to do business here." He has a point: The Big Five's rural business is flat or declining. By contrast, BucRating 2 olz's has grown 45% over four years.

ATB branches like BucRating 2 olz's cater to Alberta's outsized small-town population, which helps give the province a unique banking landscape, with a strong credit-union movement and likely the smallest big-bank market share in Canada. While ATB may draw a blank outside the province, here it's nearly ubiquitous. Its 276 branches and retail-store agents form Alberta's largest network, and its 1.4 million client accounts exceed the combined total held by the Big Five. When the big banks de-emphasized lending in many provincial markets during the 1990s, focussing on more lucrative corporate prospects in the U.S., ATB exploited the opportunity. Targeting Alberta's middle class, much of which still derives its livelihood from blue-collar labour, resource extraction and agriculture, ATB grew its loan book at twice the rate of the big banks, almost doubling it in six years. In fiscal 2003, its assets rose by 7% and it earned a $200-million profit.

Bob Normand, ATB's CEO of two years, agrees that much of ATB's success stems from its innate competitive advantages, such as the profound connection to Alberta's rural core. "Every one of our rural branches makes a contribution to our bottom line," he says. "If you can only do business in one province in Canada, certainly over the last 10 years that province has been Alberta."

It's perhaps not so surprising that Ralph Klein & Co. prefer basking in the warm glow of ATB's revival to ejecting it into the private sector's competitive mosh pit. Ten years ago, industry watchers assumed ATB would follow Northland Bank, the Principal Group and the rest of the province's financial rabble into oblivion, with the big banks picking over its better assets. Alberta's "piggy bank" had spent decades floating troubled farmers, unemployed homeowners and other credit-unworthy clients, accumulating half a billion dollars in bad loans. It racked up more than $300 million in losses by the mid-'90s.

Any real bank would have had its federal charter pulled. But being provincially chartered, ATB was immune to such consequences. So it tottered along under government ownership, a laughingstock in banking circles (sample put-downs: "The ATB, where bad loans go to die"; "The ATB, our industry's unemployment insurance service"). To date, 19 ATB employees have been investigated for fraud or other improprieties, and one has been criminally convicted.

ATB spent much of the '90s battling its two biggest customers: the Ghermezian family, owners of the West Edmonton Mall (WEM), and entrepreneur Peter Pocklington, former proprietor of the Edmonton Oilers NHL franchise. In 1994, allegedly at Tory ministers' bidding, ATB extended WEM a staggering $353 million in guarantees and loans in a refinancing of an even larger earlier loan package. Then it had second thoughts and tried to push WEM into receivership, even accusing its own former head of taking bribes from the Ghermezians. The clients fought back, and the various claims and counterclaims eventually topped $1 billion. The ATB also sued Pocklington, who had borrowed $150 million to finance a number of businesses. But instead of crushing "Peter Puck," the suit gave him a platform to recount how Alberta's pols had misused ATB to fix political problems. Eventually, ATB simply walked away from its claim, apparently still owed $71 million.

In principle, the government-induced mess at ATB formed a powerful argument for privatization. The catch was, privatization would first require a massive infusion of public funds. Chartered (so-called Schedule 1) banks must have unencumbered capital representing 7% of total assets, but ATB had always operated without any capital at all. Legally, it was a branch of Alberta's treasury -- hence its name -- and so was deemed to have the same financial strength as the province itself. Thanks to its status, it was paying neither income tax nor deposit insurance premiums. Viewed as an independent institution, ATB had been technically insolvent throughout its history. In the mid-'90s, it would have required up to $700 million in government cash to qualify for a federal charter -- a sum Klein deemed unaffordable. Pulling the plug, meanwhile, was politically unpalatable. ATB's failure would be a huge embarrassment to Klein. Even worse would be the wave of foreclosures and called loans that would come if ATB's loan book was sold to a private bank.

Instead, the government opted for reform. In 1996, the ATB "superintendent" was replaced by Paul Haggis, a finance industry veteran, in the new post of CEO, and ATB became a Crown corporation. Putting the government organ at arm's length and insisting it meet tough benchmarks triggered a sea change in ATB's culture on par with that currently sweeping through Quebec's Caisse de dépôt et placement. Haggis set aside $200 million for bad loans, investigated incompetent or dishonest employees, turfed deadwood managers and hired experienced professionals. He brought lending, liquidity and risk standards closer to those of the big banks. And he developed the institution's first business plan. Although the word "privatization" was still considered taboo, Haggis was creating a blueprint for ATB to compete in the real world.

One of Haggis's earliest moves was to hire Bob Normand to oversee sales. A bilingual career banker from Montreal, Normand seems like everything that Bible Bill Aberhart resented. Now 57, Normand started in banking right out of high school and has moved up through management positions on both the retail and commercial sides. His last gig before ATB was as Bank of Montreal's regional VP in Edmonton. He succeeded Haggis in late 2001. (Haggis was recently named CEO of the massive OMERS pension fund.)

If you imagined today's ATB on a continuum from crime-ridden political slush fund to best-in-class financial superstar, Normand would put it more than halfway to star status. Deposits grew by 6% last year, while impaired loans were down to $100 million. ATB's productivity ratio, a key measure relating non-interest expenses to net revenues, was 67% in fiscal 2003; the big banks averaged 69.5% (lower is better). ATB has been profitable in every quarter since 1997. It has also diversified into the panoply of modern banking services, from mutual funds to credit cards. "ATB has put most of its historical problems behind it," says Larry Pollock, CEO of Canadian Western Bank (CWB), a publicly traded institution based in Edmonton. "It's running effectively like a Schedule 1 bank should be run." Scott Tannas, CEO of Western Financial Group, an insurance brokerage network based south of Calgary, agrees. "ATB has a business model that's profitable down to the tiniest villages, which is unique."

Under Normand's current plan, ATB is aiming for annual growth of a muscular 10% in loans and 8% in deposits, and to reach a productivity ratio of 65% while further improving risk management. Normand wants to boost commercial banking, emphasizing larger loans, and to move into niches opened by the big banks' retreat from Alberta. His goal is a portfolio of business loans that's reflective of Alberta's economy -- from oilpatch head offices in Calgary to machine shops in Edmonton to big-box retailers in Grande Prairie -- and managed by specialists in each sector. In a major coup, Normand recently nabbed the former head of the oil and gas unit at Royal Bank, Alberta's largest and most experienced energy-industry lender, and installed him in the newly created position of vice-president, energy.

To achieve these goals, Normand says ATB will increasingly "go where the people are" -- namely, Alberta's fast-growing Edmonton-Calgary corridor. While ATB has been active in the bigger cities for decades, its current 40-60 urban-rural split in market presence is the inverse of Alberta's population. Normand would like to more closely match the demographic reality while continuing to exploit ATB's proven formula of down-home retail banking. He believes the combination of ATB's relatively small asset size and opportunities like the urban market and energy lending mean "we could double our business without stepping outside Alberta's boundaries."

The stronger ATB grows, the weaker become the arguments against privatization. With $791 million in retained earnings at its last fiscal year-end, just one more year's net income should bring it to a 7% capital ratio. After that, ATB would no longer require government cash before being sold. The more it earns and the cleaner its balance sheet, the higher price it would fetch. And the stronger a market competitor it becomes, the weaker the threat of its falling to a branch-closing acquisitor. Some say the last tangible obstacle to privatization fell last November, when ATB reached a settlement with the Ghermezians, allowing it to move $45 million previously set aside against expected losses into 2003 net income.

"The government shouldn't own ATB any more than it should own Home Depot," says John Carpay, Canadian Taxpayers Federation's Alberta director. "It's time for the ATB to be 'retired' into the private sector."

Alberta has a string of successful privatizations under its belt, including liquor retailing and land registries, plus several large business operations such as Alberta Government Telephones (now Telus), Alberta Energy Co. (now EnCana) and its share of the Syncrude oilsands consortium. (Alberta's controversial electricity restructuring did not involve privatization.) The sales have been technically successful, lucrative (the province netted more than $500 million on AGT) -- and popular.

CWB's Pollock estimates ATB would be worth 1.3 to 1.5 times its net book value today, or at least $1 billion. Klein could create a suitably patriotic aura by restricting all or part of the initial public offering to Albertans, a previously used model Pollock thinks would be politically saleable. Besides, as one banking analyst notes, investors love bank stocks and an ATB offering would almost certainly find an eager audience. Equally important, a privatized ATB's most likely corporate suitors would be other Western financial institutions. "If the government decides it wants to sell it," says Pollock, "we'll put our hands up and say, 'Yeah, we're interested.'" With assets of $4.1 billion, CWB is less than one-third ATB's size. On the other hand, it has a large capital base, a stellar credit rating and is publicly traded, enabling it to issue equity to help fund a purchase. Most importantly, any such deal would be on friendly terms -- meaning the government would ensure it worked.

Some of Alberta's 67 credit unions, which collectively boast more than 625,000 depositors and are growing even faster than ATB, would also consider buying part or all of ATB's network, says Graham Wetter of Credit Union Central Alberta Ltd., the system's umbrella organization. A few years ago, Wetter points out, the credit unions snapped up 21 of BMO's cast-off Alberta branches. Western Financial Group's Tannas is another eager privatization advocate, describing it as an "historic opportunity to create a magnet by which a lot of Western financial institutions could join into one." Tannas envisions gathering up regional insurance brokers like his own company, plus local investment banks and wealth managers -- all of which are areas where ATB is weak or inactive -- and creating an integrated regional financial powerhouse modelled on Quebec's National Bank.

Brent Rathgeber, an Edmonton MLA in Klein's caucus, has a legislature motion to consult with voters on ATB's future. "I always felt it was odd that the government felt the need to own a major financial institution," he says. Rathgeber argues that Alberta would be better served if ATB's locked-in value were used to upgrade roads, schools and hospitals.

ATB's CEO, usually a chatty man, grows guarded when privatization is raised. "It is quite frankly a subject where I have no opinion," says Normand. "We think we function as close to a publicly [traded] institution as we can." And, ultimately, it's not his decision. Last fall, Klein's government quietly renewed ATB's charter for five years, a move that doesn't rule out privatization but suggests no immediate enthusiasm for it, either. Treasurer Pat Nelson declined to be interviewed on the subject, while Klein himself has been coy. In April, he told a local newspaper, "If there is a deal that we absolutely cannot refuse ... then we might consider it." He promised public consultation before any sale.

Such ambivalence isn't surprising, for the Alberta Tories aren't the ideological force they used to be. Two of Klein's most right-wing ministers, former treasurer Stockwell Day and Steve West, who privatized Alberta's liquor stores, have left provincial politics. So have several once-influential conservative backbenchers. Sources close to the government say the ATB issue splits Klein's caucus: some urban MLAs consider it a "non-core" operation that could be sold, another group thinks government ownership is good for consumers, and a solid pack of rural "sentimentalists" believes in ATB's original raison d'être.

F. L. (Ted) Morton, a political scientist at the University of Calgary, offers an intriguing rationale for hanging on to ATB. He advocates pulling Alberta out of the Canada Pension Plan, and notes that the province would need an in-house financial institution to help administer the assets of its "APP." ATB naturally comes to mind for that role. It could also help the province collect its own income taxes, says Morton. While these ideas are a long way from being party policy, they're shared by a number of prominent Albertans, including Canadian Alliance leader Stephen Harper.

At heart, Alberta's PCs may simply fear that privatization would alienate too many voters. A recent survey by the Canadian Federation of Independent Business revealed that the large majority of its Alberta members worry about the ongoing branch closures and declining bank service. ATB is the only banking game in many towns. Rathgeber admits that, what with Alberta's tough drought years and the current mad-cow crisis, "any political momentum to talk about privatization has run against terrible timing." Many people vividly recall ATB getting them through the lean times, he says, and they still see that as its role today. Cattle producers talk of being scared that the big banks will call their loans and wipe them out if Alberta's beef remains shut out of world markets. The banks have said nothing to dispel that fear. Normand, on the other hand, has been going on local radio shows, promising that ATB would be there to nurse its customers through yet another tough period. It's what Bible Bill would have wanted.

BANKING, ALBERTA-STYLE: ATB is far more ubiquitous than any of the big banks:

BRANCHES:         2002     1998

ATB Financial*     276    277

Chartered Banks**     745     745

Credit Unions         196     180

*includes retail-store agents **BMO, CIBC, RBC, Scotiabank, TD and National

Source: Credit Union Central Alberta Ltd.
© Copyright 2003 National Post Business Magazine


 
Global Research, October 8, 2007
 

The U.S., as the only so-called superpower, exerts a decisive influence on the fate of the world. Today peace and stability are threatened by three giant problems whose outcome depends a great deal on U.S. decisions. These problems are linked to each other synergistically in ways that increase the overall danger.

The first problem is the peril to the world’s economies from the massive worldwide pyramid of speculation and debt, a.k.a., the financial bubble. Moreover, we have not seen the end of the fallout from the deflation of the U.S. housing bubble of the mid-2000s. The Federal Reserve facilitated this bubble to fill the void left by the bursting of the dot.com bubble of the 1990s. That one followed on the heels of the 1980s buyout-merger-acquisition bubble.

Officials with a vested interest in the status quo claim that the global economy is still fundamentally sound. In the face of the financial crisis of July-August, 2007, the Federal Reserve seemed to succeed, at least temporarily, in using its available tools to reassure the financial markets. This included the interest rate cut that spurred the stock market back into record territory. But when dollars are used to float a bubble, it eventually means a lot of trouble.

The second problem is the U.S. march toward military conquest of the Middle East. Even while the takeover of Iraq seems to hang in the balance, an attack on Iran may be next. U.S. action is obviously connected with hunger for gasoline, oil company profits, and the central role of the petrodollar in international commerce. In a now-famous phrase, former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan states in his new book, Age of Turbulence, that the Iraq War is “largely about oil.”

But is Greenspan’s characterization a red herring? Are oil and dollars the full explanation? Would there have been no other way for the U.S. to secure its strategic interests in that part of the world, such as through multilateral cooperation with other powers like Russia and China? Isn’t it a fact that the neocons who control foreign policy within the Bush administration have steered a program of preemptive warfare clearly aligned with the more radical elements of Israel?

The third problem is that global warming seems to be proceeding at a more rapid pace than anyone previously thought. Weather patterns are clearly being affected, with many areas of the continental U.S. now locked in severe drought. Much of the Midwest and West are running dangerously low on water. The possibility that sometime this century sea level could rise up to one meter could be devastating to a nation like the U.S. where fifty percent of GDP is produced along its coasts.

If we began now, major infrastructure investments might help us prepare. But we already have an infrastructure maintenance deficit in the trillions of dollars. New large-scale expenditures are inconceivable for a government whose budget has been trashed by tax cuts for the rich, a trillion dollars spent on “wars of choice,” commodity price inflation, and stagnant tax revenues in the face of a recovery which looks a lot like a recession.

Bad as these three problems are, they are the tip of the iceberg. What really controls the fate of nations is money. And what looms beneath the surface is that we have in the U.S. and elsewhere a monetary system which is fundamentally flawed. It is a system that creates money almost exclusively through debt, one that has the net effect over time of funneling much of the world’s wealth from the hands of those who earn their living in the producing economy of goods and services into the bank accounts and investment funds of those who lend money at interest.

The recent actions of the Federal Reserve have been largely a refinancing of debt. The hope has been to realize the axiom of American billionaire Warren Buffett: “A rolling loan gathers no loss.” And government borrowing to wage war has always been good business for the banks as well.

But refinancing of debt does not change the overall purposes, operation, and outcome of the system. What we need to understand now is that the system itself can and must be changed. This should be done by establishing a more democratic and equitable world financial paradigm. Such a change can only be accomplished through fundamental monetary reform that would make credit-creation less the private property of financiers and more in the nature of a public utility. 

The U.S. should start by 1) calling off our military adventures and replacing them with new efforts at multilateral solutions, including a negotiated two-state solution for Israel and Palestine; and 2) rebuilding our public and private infrastructure through low-cost government-provided credit. Individuals carrying unsustainable debt burdens or trapped in the collapsing housing bubble should be given relief. A basic income guarantee, not tied to employment, should be provided to all citizens as advocated by many economists going back to the 1960s. Infrastructure investment should include a massive program to deal with the present and future effects of global warming and climate change. Such a program would also help restore our tax base along with adding to consumer purchasing power.

To accomplish this program would require a shift in the control of monetary policy from the Federal Reserve, which only seems good at inflating and deflating bubbles, to a Congress and Executive Branch with the same degree of determination, vision, and authority we saw during the New Deal. The U.S. economy needs to be rebuilt from the bottom up. This means political leadership, not the monetarist games of technocrats who really work for the financiers. 

A change of this order of magnitude requires a revolution at the ballot box in 2008. The Republican Party has fatally compromised itself by playing host to the neocon Trojan horse. The Democratic Party, which has failed to act on the voter demand in the 2006 mid-term elections that we get out of Iraq, doesn’t look much better. In just three months, in Iowa and New Hampshire, something profound and unprecedented must start to happen. If it doesn’t, things figure to get much worse in four more years.

Richard C. Cook is a retired federal analyst, whose career included service with the U.S. Civil Service Commission, the Food and Drug Administration, the Carter White House, and NASA, followed by twenty-one years with the U.S. Treasury Department. His articles on economics and space policy have appeared on numerous websites. He is the author of Challenger Revealed: An Insider’s Account of How the Reagan Administration Caused the Greatest Tragedy of the Space Age, called by one reviewer, “the most important spaceflight book of the last twenty years.” His website is at www.richardccook.com.


Richard C. Cook is a frequent contributor to Global Research.  Global Research Articles by Richard C. Cook

 

 

 

Quote: The survival of democracy is dependent on successful representative government; and that is conditioned upon the practice of electing to public offices only those individuals who are technically trained, intellectually competent, socially loyal, and morally fit. Only by such provisions can government of the people, by the people, and for the people be preserved.